PANAPRESS
Panafrican News Agency
Special Security: Ethno-religious, economic, political motives fuel Nigerian violence (A PANA News Analysis by Abudu Babalola)
Abuja, Nigeria (PANA) - The interplay of religious, political and economic factors have been cited by analysts as some of the major motivations for the upsurge in agitations among ethnic groups, which blossom into violence and terrorism across Nigeria, Africa’s most populous black nation.
These have been demonstrated in the violence adopted by groups such as Boko Haram in the north; Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND), in the oil rich south-south; Movement for the Actualization of Sovereign States of Biafra (MASSOB) in the east; and Odua People’s Congress (OPC) in the southwest.
Political analysts are unanimous in their views that the inter-play of these forces, is posing great challenge in achieving the peace, unity, stability and progress needed by the country to develop its full potentials.
While Boko Haram could not be described as the only violent group in Nigeria, the sophistication of their attacks, number of casualties, their target and tenure stand them out.
It is on record that MEND also has been involved in several bomb attacks, particularly on oil installations. The 2010 bombing in Abuja, during the National Day Celebration, was one of their most prominent attacks.
In that bombing several people and security operatives were killed. The mastermind of the attack and Leader of the group, Henry Orkar, is currently serving a jail term in serving a jail term in South Africa.
MASSOB, which is agitating for a Biafra state, is another pro-violence group. It has been engaged in pockets of attacks on other tribes in the east and also the Police. But in recent times, its activities have been curtailed by the security agencies.
OPC, which operates largely in the western parts of the country, came onto the national landscape after the annulment of the 1993 Presidential election, which was won by late billionaire, Moshood Abiola.
The group was involved in violent attacks on other tribes, particularly northerners living in the southwest, but it has also been subdued by the security operatives.
Several theses and theories have been suggested as the reasons for the emergence of these violent groups. For some, it is a symptom that Nigeria has become either a failed or failing state.
Others blame it on poverty and poor governance. Dr. Kunle Amuwo, a former political science teacher at the Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye, southwest Nigeria, in an interview agreed that bad governance had created distrust, suspicion and widespread poverty in Nigeria.
“There are pockets of resistance and there are pockets of grievances across the country. So it is not just Boko Hara, it’s poor governance that is causing all these violence. I do not think there is any group that is not talking about marginalisation and poverty. It cuts across. The governors waste a lot of money on security, they waste a lot of money on overhead costs. They spend money on their large aides that is unnecessary,” he said.
The political analyst continued, ”Instead of spending money on developing infrastructure, creating jobs and making life better for the people, they engage in frivolities. They say the presidential system of government is expensive. In other places where it is run, it is not expensive. It is human agencies that manipulate the structure to give the semblance of inability of the system to make the system work, but if you have the right people at the right time, it’s not going to be difficult making it work.”
But some other analysts blame the emergence of Boko Haram in particular on a frustration-aggression hypothesis. They insist it is has political undertones; here the northern political class were said to be generally frustrated with the situation of things in the country, especially with the position of their kinsmen in the current power configuration in the country.
Femi Aribisala, an academic, in a national newspaper article observed that the north had become the spoilt-child of Nigerian politics, stressing that it always nursed a grudge when it was not in power.
He said: ”When Moshood Abiola, a southerner won the election in 1993, the northern elite conspired to scuttle it. When they finally succumbed to a southern presidency in 1999, some of them nevertheless sought to make trouble by politicising Sharia (Islamic Law).
“When Goodluck Jonathan won in 2011, there was instigated rioting in the north. Some of the eliteeven decided on terrorist activities. This terrorism has now backfired to the extent that it is now beyond the control of its initial sponsors.”
He added that of the 53 years of independence of the country, the northerners have ruled either as military or civilian leaders for 38 years.
This theory seems to find credence in the popular belief that the former north-eastern State Governor of Borno State, Ali Modu Sheriff of the ruling PDP, has strong links with the dreaded Boko Haram group, although he has strongly denied it.
Ironically, in the 2011 in Bornu South Senatorial District election, the sect was said to have supported Ali Ndume who had decamped from the then All Nigerian People’s Party (ANPP) an opposition party, to the PDP.
Senator Ndume who won the election has since been charged in court by the Nigerian government for being one of the sponsors of Boko Haram, although he denies the charge.
The group was initially being used as political thugs to attack opponents, but it became powerful as they recruited more hands and received more funding from politicians who were said to be paying them monthly protection fees running into millions of naira.
Nigeria is a complex country with diverse socio-cultural religious background. This is both its weakness and strength. But in most cases the country is often divided along ethnic, religious, cultural and political lines hence it is often difficult to reach consensus on national issues.
Ironically, up to 100 years of interactions, inter-religious and ethnic marriages have not changed the fear of domination within the ethnic groups.
Though all the regions are strategically placed and economically blessed, the many years of military rule have made the centre more powerful than the Federating units.
Nigeria professes to be practising a Federal system, but in reality it is practising a unitary system of government. It started with a true Federal system, but the intervention of the military with its first coup in 1966, changed that.
In looking at the situation in Nigeria, it is important to trace the political-economic evolution of the country. Nigeria in pre-1914, comprised of the various ethnic autonomous nationalities, prominent among them being the Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba.
It was the amalgamation by the British colonialists that brought the Northern and Southern Protectorates together, under Frederick Luggard, whose wife christened the country Nigeria. The main objective of the amalgamation which was done without the consent of the different nationalities, was purely for economic and administrative convenience of the British government.
Both protectorates were strategic to the development of the British economy. While the north had groundnut, the west was a leading cocoa producing area and the east had coal as well as palm-kernel.
But the discovery of oil later diverted attention from agriculture to the black gold. Then came the struggle for its control. Before the departure of the colonialists, it structured the country in a way that suspicion, agitation and struggle for power became inevitable.
In the recruitment into the Army the northerners were clearly given an edge over the Yorubas and Igbos. While the southerners seemed to control the economy, political power resided in the north.
Six years into Independence, the fragile nature of the country became manifest, as power struggle between the military class blew out of proportion with in fighting and acrimony. This led to the first military coup in 1966. That coup was led by Captain Kaduna Nzeogu, an Ibo officer.
That intervention led to the killing of many northern political leaders and some Yoruba officers. The northern military officers organised a counter coup which eventually led to the civil war that lasted for three years (1966-1970).
Ever since then the suspicion, acrimony and struggle for power has intensified. Even with advent of democracy in 1999, the problem of violence and insecurity has not reduced.
Political scientist Dr Amuwo said: “I do not blame the followers, we have suffered a lot in this country in the midst of plenty. All the reports of international organisations reflect this. Everybody knows that the country has no business with poverty. If there is no poverty, we cannot have crisis. What is causing the problem is the poverty cycle not the violence cycle.
“Poverty pushes people into violence ... rather than focusing on violence, we should focus on reducing and eventually eliminating poverty from our body politic. It can be done, we have the natural resources, yet untapped.
“It requires sincere leadership; it requires fighting corruption and creating the atmosphere that will encourage private enterprise. All the divisions you are seeing in the country are the creation of the elite.
“When they lose out in the power game they resort to ethnic, religious and tribal cards to divide the people. The ordinary Nigerians are very peaceful. What he wants is food on the table, drugs in the hospital, good accommodation and freedom to operates.”
-0- PANA SB/MA 17Jan2014
These have been demonstrated in the violence adopted by groups such as Boko Haram in the north; Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND), in the oil rich south-south; Movement for the Actualization of Sovereign States of Biafra (MASSOB) in the east; and Odua People’s Congress (OPC) in the southwest.
Political analysts are unanimous in their views that the inter-play of these forces, is posing great challenge in achieving the peace, unity, stability and progress needed by the country to develop its full potentials.
While Boko Haram could not be described as the only violent group in Nigeria, the sophistication of their attacks, number of casualties, their target and tenure stand them out.
It is on record that MEND also has been involved in several bomb attacks, particularly on oil installations. The 2010 bombing in Abuja, during the National Day Celebration, was one of their most prominent attacks.
In that bombing several people and security operatives were killed. The mastermind of the attack and Leader of the group, Henry Orkar, is currently serving a jail term in serving a jail term in South Africa.
MASSOB, which is agitating for a Biafra state, is another pro-violence group. It has been engaged in pockets of attacks on other tribes in the east and also the Police. But in recent times, its activities have been curtailed by the security agencies.
OPC, which operates largely in the western parts of the country, came onto the national landscape after the annulment of the 1993 Presidential election, which was won by late billionaire, Moshood Abiola.
The group was involved in violent attacks on other tribes, particularly northerners living in the southwest, but it has also been subdued by the security operatives.
Several theses and theories have been suggested as the reasons for the emergence of these violent groups. For some, it is a symptom that Nigeria has become either a failed or failing state.
Others blame it on poverty and poor governance. Dr. Kunle Amuwo, a former political science teacher at the Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye, southwest Nigeria, in an interview agreed that bad governance had created distrust, suspicion and widespread poverty in Nigeria.
“There are pockets of resistance and there are pockets of grievances across the country. So it is not just Boko Hara, it’s poor governance that is causing all these violence. I do not think there is any group that is not talking about marginalisation and poverty. It cuts across. The governors waste a lot of money on security, they waste a lot of money on overhead costs. They spend money on their large aides that is unnecessary,” he said.
The political analyst continued, ”Instead of spending money on developing infrastructure, creating jobs and making life better for the people, they engage in frivolities. They say the presidential system of government is expensive. In other places where it is run, it is not expensive. It is human agencies that manipulate the structure to give the semblance of inability of the system to make the system work, but if you have the right people at the right time, it’s not going to be difficult making it work.”
But some other analysts blame the emergence of Boko Haram in particular on a frustration-aggression hypothesis. They insist it is has political undertones; here the northern political class were said to be generally frustrated with the situation of things in the country, especially with the position of their kinsmen in the current power configuration in the country.
Femi Aribisala, an academic, in a national newspaper article observed that the north had become the spoilt-child of Nigerian politics, stressing that it always nursed a grudge when it was not in power.
He said: ”When Moshood Abiola, a southerner won the election in 1993, the northern elite conspired to scuttle it. When they finally succumbed to a southern presidency in 1999, some of them nevertheless sought to make trouble by politicising Sharia (Islamic Law).
“When Goodluck Jonathan won in 2011, there was instigated rioting in the north. Some of the eliteeven decided on terrorist activities. This terrorism has now backfired to the extent that it is now beyond the control of its initial sponsors.”
He added that of the 53 years of independence of the country, the northerners have ruled either as military or civilian leaders for 38 years.
This theory seems to find credence in the popular belief that the former north-eastern State Governor of Borno State, Ali Modu Sheriff of the ruling PDP, has strong links with the dreaded Boko Haram group, although he has strongly denied it.
Ironically, in the 2011 in Bornu South Senatorial District election, the sect was said to have supported Ali Ndume who had decamped from the then All Nigerian People’s Party (ANPP) an opposition party, to the PDP.
Senator Ndume who won the election has since been charged in court by the Nigerian government for being one of the sponsors of Boko Haram, although he denies the charge.
The group was initially being used as political thugs to attack opponents, but it became powerful as they recruited more hands and received more funding from politicians who were said to be paying them monthly protection fees running into millions of naira.
Nigeria is a complex country with diverse socio-cultural religious background. This is both its weakness and strength. But in most cases the country is often divided along ethnic, religious, cultural and political lines hence it is often difficult to reach consensus on national issues.
Ironically, up to 100 years of interactions, inter-religious and ethnic marriages have not changed the fear of domination within the ethnic groups.
Though all the regions are strategically placed and economically blessed, the many years of military rule have made the centre more powerful than the Federating units.
Nigeria professes to be practising a Federal system, but in reality it is practising a unitary system of government. It started with a true Federal system, but the intervention of the military with its first coup in 1966, changed that.
In looking at the situation in Nigeria, it is important to trace the political-economic evolution of the country. Nigeria in pre-1914, comprised of the various ethnic autonomous nationalities, prominent among them being the Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba.
It was the amalgamation by the British colonialists that brought the Northern and Southern Protectorates together, under Frederick Luggard, whose wife christened the country Nigeria. The main objective of the amalgamation which was done without the consent of the different nationalities, was purely for economic and administrative convenience of the British government.
Both protectorates were strategic to the development of the British economy. While the north had groundnut, the west was a leading cocoa producing area and the east had coal as well as palm-kernel.
But the discovery of oil later diverted attention from agriculture to the black gold. Then came the struggle for its control. Before the departure of the colonialists, it structured the country in a way that suspicion, agitation and struggle for power became inevitable.
In the recruitment into the Army the northerners were clearly given an edge over the Yorubas and Igbos. While the southerners seemed to control the economy, political power resided in the north.
Six years into Independence, the fragile nature of the country became manifest, as power struggle between the military class blew out of proportion with in fighting and acrimony. This led to the first military coup in 1966. That coup was led by Captain Kaduna Nzeogu, an Ibo officer.
That intervention led to the killing of many northern political leaders and some Yoruba officers. The northern military officers organised a counter coup which eventually led to the civil war that lasted for three years (1966-1970).
Ever since then the suspicion, acrimony and struggle for power has intensified. Even with advent of democracy in 1999, the problem of violence and insecurity has not reduced.
Political scientist Dr Amuwo said: “I do not blame the followers, we have suffered a lot in this country in the midst of plenty. All the reports of international organisations reflect this. Everybody knows that the country has no business with poverty. If there is no poverty, we cannot have crisis. What is causing the problem is the poverty cycle not the violence cycle.
“Poverty pushes people into violence ... rather than focusing on violence, we should focus on reducing and eventually eliminating poverty from our body politic. It can be done, we have the natural resources, yet untapped.
“It requires sincere leadership; it requires fighting corruption and creating the atmosphere that will encourage private enterprise. All the divisions you are seeing in the country are the creation of the elite.
“When they lose out in the power game they resort to ethnic, religious and tribal cards to divide the people. The ordinary Nigerians are very peaceful. What he wants is food on the table, drugs in the hospital, good accommodation and freedom to operates.”
-0- PANA SB/MA 17Jan2014
